Why Celebrate a Forgotten Jewish Holiday?
on the politics of holidays (and histories) we take for granted
Illustration: various Greco-Egyptian papyri from this site.
This is the second part of a two-part essay on 3 Maccabees and the Alexandrian Purim. Read the first part here:
Last time, we talked about a little known Jewish text called 3 Maccabees, which was written by Egyptian Jews to explain a summer festival they celebrated in Antiquity. This scripture may have been produced by a localized, non-Jersalemite Temple community, and discusses themes of loyalty, piety, abuse of power, and the value and sustainability of living in Diaspora. All of these ideas are as relevant today as they were 2000 years ago.
3 Maccabees is interesting because it emphasizes not only power and belonging in diaspora, but the loyalty of Jews to local rulers. The seeds of dual loyalty- the idea that Jews aren't truly loyal to the state they live in, but to something else- already existed at the time.1 Hellenistic Jewish literature frequently emphasized loyalty, and even Josephus’ Contra Apion is largely about refuting this. He notably emphasizes Onias’ loyalty in his recount of the Hippodrome incident. This loyalty would have been especially important for mercenaries, and in 3 Maccabees the Pharaoh praises Jews for their loyalty in combat twice.² In a modern interpretation, this can be read primarily as emphasizing that Jews have a place in diaspora, and that it is not their “rightful place” to only, or primarily, live in Jerusalem and the surrounding area, rather than emphasizing loyalty to a specific ruler, or indeed, any ruler at all.
3 Maccabees also emphasizes loyalty to Judaism, and disdains people who convert out from Judaism to other religions.2 After all, around 300 people get murdered via mob violence done by Jews with the consent of the Pharaoh, and this is considered worthy of celebration, as seen in the text of the scroll. This persecution has resonances with the persecution of Hellenised Jews in 1 Maccabees, and regardless of if it's reporting a historical fact, it's narrative inclusion serves to emphasize the piety of Egyptian Jews; just because they reject Hasmonean authority does not mean that they tolerate what they saw as the apostasy of cowards, or have much affection for “pagans”. Some scholars argued that before Onias, Egyptian Judaism was more syncretic with Hellenistic and native Egyptian practices, while Onias was a more strict adherent of Mosaic law, and that the narrative of 3 Maccabees was therefore derogatory towards Egyptianized Jews.3
While I don't think it's inaccurate to say that Onias adhered to Mosaic law, we don't really have much evidence supporting this line of thought. We have limited theological literature from Pre-Oniad Egyptian Judaism, and few definitely identified works from Oniad Jews. The literature we have regarding Egyptian Jews post-Onias has plenty of syncretism (Isis being the wife of Ham, Moses’ mother being named Thermouthis, figures like Helios being invoked as quasi-angelic beings),4 though it's not often found in priestly literature, instead being the realm of magical and personal literature. Being against apostasy is not always hand in hand with resistance to some syncretism, as the two aren’t synonyms. And, frankly, just because the official leaders in a religion don't like something doesn't mean everyone else isn't doing it.
We really can't judge what the general Egyptian Jewish population's attitude towards syncretism was, and the inferences we can make about Oniad attitudes toward Egyptianized Jews are limited. Hellenized Jews certainly thought little of Egyptians, and therefore of Egyptianized Jews. But Onias, while allied to Ptolemy, was not exactly a Hellenized Jew. The narrative of 3 Maccabees also, notably, does not mention any Egyptian deities; the pagan deity that the narrative scorns is Dionysus, a Greek deity. To me, the text comes off as more anti-Hellenic, or perhaps generally anti-pagan.5
There is for me, discomfort with the condemnation of those who convert under threat of state violence. However, what is being condemned here is not simply the idea of cowardice, though I think that is present. The condemnation is for those who capitulate to state violence and assimilate into its power structures. The apostates of 3 Maccabees are inducted into the cult of Dionysus, which was favored by multiple Ptolemaic rulers. The flip side of assimilation under threat of violence is those who do so often become the most fanatically hateful of the people they came from, and become active dangers to them. Multiple indigenous peoples have watched this dynamic play out. Again, our scroll is abbreviated- perhaps the implication here is exactly this. Further, religious texts often dramatize statements in order to emphasize a point.
The military association of the Jews in 3 Maccabees and of the Oniads also carries a valuable lesson that has come up in Jewish leftist spaces as of the past few years: community defense. In the time of 3 Maccabees, the authorities of the state were the ones who made a census, rounded up the Jews they could find, and prepared their execution. They were not upholders of justice. Though Onias pursued good relations with the Pharaoh, and did not try to displease him, he understood the limits of trust in those relations. When push came to shove, he had men under his command willing to go against power. In 3 Maccabees, the Pharaoh displaces responsibility for his actions onto his advisors, even as a penitent- unjustly, he does not own up to his behavior. The text makes not attempt to absolve him of this, even as it values loyalty.6 This serves as a reminder of the limits of trust one must observe to survive.
In America, many synagogues on the one hand pursue relationships with the police- the same police that have a Nazi infestation. On the other hand, when Jews have recently stood up in the name of community defense, they often do not do it in the wake of real threats. Instead, they patrol college campuses, looking to intimidate supporters of Palestine. The people they intimidate range from Palestinians to other Jews who do not accept that Jewish safety can or should ever come at the cost of genocide. Onias not only knew not to trust the authorities, he also knew who his enemy was, and was not a coward harassing students. He did not look to some bygone past, aching to hold onto power he did not have. He looked to the future. Do not drink with the king just because he decided to spare you. He still holds a butchers knife.
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Onias is commonly regarded as a heretic for building another Temple, outside of haeretz. But from his perspective- being the next in line for the High Priesthood, trained for this from birth- why was he wrong? He had, after all, an accepted prophecy in hand stating one day there would be a temple in Egypt, and we know that was his justification.7 We have no evidence of idolatry. We do not know what, if any, syncretism occurred in his Temple. And what limited suggestions we do have indicate things like women having status among the priests8 -- hardly a bad thing! When looking back on him, do we call him a heretic because of things we have real evidence he did? Or, is it, as always, ancient world geopolitics that we hold on to long past their relevance?
Take Hanukkah as an example. It is no longer a tool to promote Hasmonean authority, which is irrelevant in our age. However, the centrality of the Jerusalemite Temple, once primarily a sign of mourning (and secondarily a political echo underlying the tension between Jews and Samaritans), has new meanings. The dismissal of the Samaritan and Egyptian temples as illegitimate with only the Jerusalem temple being “true” has always had political dimensions. But now, the intoxicated fervor of Zionism has people calling to destroy the Aqsa Mosque to rebuild the temple- re-dedication through defilement. I will not be putting away my menorah any time soon. But I also see no theological relevance to keep acting like only one temple mattered, only far too old and too cruel political baggage,ª⁴ and I indeed see political value in admitting multiplicity. I also see political value in Hanukkah's opposition to Christmas; a time that effectively becomes western Christianity’s pride month, and historically when many pogroms happened.
The festival of 3 Maccabees seems to included choral singing, feasting, flower tributes, and the cry of the word “Hallelujah”. These elements imply 3 Maccabees was written after the festival had been celebrated for some time.9 More specifics are not given, either in 3 Maccabees or in Contra Apionem. While feasting, music, and flowers are things my ear finds a bit more typical of ancient Egyptian festivals than modern Jewish, there are, appropriately, no pagan connections I could draw (as I did regarding Hagar and the Wandering Goddess). Nacham suggests there was an intentional parallel to Dionysian rites, which is plausible. However, I don’t think there is enough evidence to definitely state that, or quite enough detail to speculate. Singing and even dancing at a religious occasion was also not at all strange in ancient Judaism.10
Josephus viewed the festival positively, stating “the Alexandrian Jews do, with good reason, celebrate this day.”11 If it was associated with the Oniad Temple in some way, he did not begrudge that. This is an important matter to consider, given that Josephus was from a priestly family and already a grown man before the Jerusalemite Temple fell. Also noteworthy is that Contra Apion was written after Antiquities of the Jews (which was completed in 94 CE). Trusting Josephus's remark to be true by the time of publication, S'uda was still celebrated in at least Alexandria more than two decades after the Oniad Temple was destroyed in 73 CE.12 This means that S'uda, like Hanukkah, did not die with the Temple it was likely connected to.
In light of this, the festival may have stuttered due to the Diaspora Revolt (115-117), when most Egyptian Jews were expelled from their homes by the Roman Empire. Re-establishing a community in Egypt took centuries and never quite reached the same heights. Doing so at all was largely accomplished by immigrants from Syria-Palestine.
All of this means localized Egyptian traditions of any type would likely have been disrupted and forgotten. The collective grief of many Jews for Jerusalem during this era would also likely make something even tangentially associated with the Oniad Temple unappealing to those not already connected to it. This would have been especially true for a joyful festival.
It is a grief I, in truth, feel more strongly for Egypt as a home than Jerusalem. Indeed, profaners have made me skittish of the latter. It is a grief I will almost certainly die with. But I cannot live only in the shadow of my grief. It is what I am most inclined to do. But I cannot live like that. No one can. If, in the future, you see me singing in July, it would be obvious I am not singing because Egypt is kind to me now. But, I would like to remember that it could be. It once was. It could again. As for the rest of you, I have described the more universal lessons. Remember you have a home outside some ancient boundary. Remember you can fight for it. Remember you can make things holy. Remember you can make new futures. Remember not to trust kings foolishly.
My suggestions for any would be revitalization include:
The text of 3 Maccabees should be read in vernacular, or another relevant language (such as Gaelige, etc in relevant revival communities). It was not originally written in Hebrew even though that was the liturgical language for many texts. It was intentionally written in a vernacular language. Retroactively creating a Hebrew version is also not in the spirit of the festival.
A brief discussion of the history around the text should occur.
Other appropriate texts to read or reference during the week include: Mi Chamocha, which covers the end of a cruel Pharaoh; Miketz (Gen 41-44) is both typically read around Hanukkah, emphasizing the parallel of the two holidays, and covers Joseph (Zaphnath-Paaneah) rising to esteem and his prosperity in Egypt, much like how 3 Maccabees celebrates a new era of prosperity and tolerance; Psalms 4, 26, 36, 37, 57, 82, 92, and 148 cover relevant themes about G-d’s might and care.
The foods should incorporate the imagery of the flowers and elephants.
In the spirit of the banquet, like Purim, donations (especially of food) should be done. If financially possible, at least one day should have an open access banquet- anyone who wants to come can eat, regardless of religion.
Floral garlands, arrangements, accessories, and so on are obviously relevant from the text.
Singing at services, obviously, but also singing contests, lyric contests, and classes.
Celebration of self defense also has it's place. While you can't realistically teach much self defense in a week, wrestling matches or similar events in honor of the holiday could bring the appropriate spirit.
N. Hacham, The Third Book of Maccabees: Literature, History, and Ideology. https://www.academia.edu/2502305/The_Third_Book_of_Maccabees_Literature_History_and_Ideology
Meron Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile, particularly Chapter 9 (pages 236-260).
P. S. Alexander, “3 Maccabees, Hanukkah and Purim,” found in Biblical Hebrew, Biblical Texts: Essays in Memory of Michael P. Weitzman.
“Isis being the wife of Ham”- the 5th Sibylline Oracle. “Moses’ mother being named Thermouthis”- reported by Josephus. “Figures like Helios being invoked as quasi-angelic beings”- the Sefer Ha Razim, a magical text likely dating to the 3rd century and reconstructed from Cairo Genizah fragments. The pre-Oniad literature we have does also contain some elements of interest, such as Artapanus of Alexandria's equation of Moses and Thoth, and the limited theology we can glean from Elephantine Temple. However, Artapanus is sometimes considered to have been writing sarcastically, and the Elephantine Temple pre-dates several religious developments, including strict institution of monolatry. It is difficult to judge societal syncretic attitudes in both cases.
Hacham argues the text is specifically anti-Dionysian, though I don't feel his arguments are very convincing. The presentation of the ivy leaf branding as negative in the eyes of gentiles is potentially better explained in Alexander's view that the historical sources referenced by the author got mixed up. The denigration of the banquet as a concept connected to Dionysus doesn't make much sense for a text promoting the celebration of a banquet, and not much detail is gone into to accomplish that aim. Instead, the text takes a moment to denigrate idols. This is true of several other things Nacham claims are associated with Dionysus and denigrated; wine is drunk at the celebration banquet by Jews, fragrant flowers are used, and choral music (connected to dancing) is done. His claim that the text was stating Jews have access to the things and don't need Dionysus is much more credible.
Hacham, Third Book of Maccabees.
Piotrkowski, Priests.
This is also seen in 3 Maccabees. The first part, discussing Ptolemy's battle and an assassination attempt, is largely in agreement with secular Greek historical sources. However, Arsinoe is given a more prominent role in 3 Maccabees version of events (see P. S. Alexander). This can potentially indicate the Oniad attitude towards women being more egalitarian, especially when taken together with their support of Cleopatra II, the Marin the Priestess inscription, and Asenath being anointed in a manner typically reserved for male Jewish priests in the “Joseph and Asenath” text, which may be of Oniad authorship. This could also be the roots of the claim that Onias was a crossdresser- perhaps the implication was that he liked women too much. It could also be the author drawing upon the stories of Judith and Esther, a practice done through the text- for example, in the preamble there is even a Mordechai figure, Dositheus (a Jewish apostate) that saves Ptolemy from an assassination during the battle.
P. S. Alexander, 3 Maccabees.
Music and dancing appear in scripture, most notably in the Pslams and the Song of Miriam (one of our oldest pieces of Hebrew literature). Music was also part of the Jerusalem Temple's rituals and scribal education (for more see Judaic Religion in the Second Temple Period and Sirach and Its Contexts, especially Chapter 10: Sages as Singers in Sirach and the Second Temple Period). It is reasonable to extrapolate this was true for other temples and shrines in ancient Judaism.
William Whiston, THE GENUINE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS THE JEWISH HISTORIAN. Contra Apionem: 2.53-55. https://penelope.uchicago.edu/josephus/apion-2.html
Piotrkowski, Priests.